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Fiscal Fink Tank

February 16th, 2010 by The Parallax Brief

Danny Finkelstein, the Times columnist and former adviser to William Hague, and Frazer Nelson, the editor of the Spectator, have engaged recently in an internet back and forth regarding the latter’s speech to the Centre for Policy Studies’ Keith Joseph Lecture, in which Mr. Nelson argued that the Conservative Party should be far bolder about cutting spending than it has been, especially regarding its ring-fence guarantee for the NHS.

Rightly, Mr. Finkelstein disagrees.

First, he spells out some political home truths to Mr Frazer, correctly arguing that promising to cut public services has been tremendously unpopular with the electorate. Trimming (or slashing, the verb the Parallax Brief is sure Mr Frazer would prefer used when discussing government spending) public services has traditionally been the kind of political high wire act that sees governments and oppositions topple over to their doom, as, indeed, has happened to the Conservative Party itself in recent elections.

In other words, Mr. Finkelstein concludes with a memorable tartness, it bears remembering “that a party seeking government not simply the paramilitary wing of an oped column.”

This is all very correct, and Mr. Finkelstein could have progressed to make an economic argument against immediate cuts, which if made too early would surely shatter the fragile recovery, reducing GDP and having the perverse effect of increasing the real debt burden.

But what the Parallax Brief was more interested in was Mr. Finkelstein’s implied accusation that Mr. Frazer doesn’t really have an altruistic concern about the budget and sound economics, but is simply furthering a zealous low-tax-low-spending dogma.

“Critics on the right, including Fraser, have spent the last few years before the crisis complaining that the Tories are not fiscally lax enough. They wanted the party to back unfunded supply side tax cuts that they hoped would bring in income through increased growth.

The Cameron-Osborne position that tax cuts came second after stability was ridiculed.”

There is, of course, nothing wrong with demanding tax cuts per se, but it’s a bit rich to demand tax cuts one minute and rebalancing the budget the next. But there are two sides to a budget, revenue and costs, and the right only ever want to decrease the costs. If Mr. Nelson was really concerned about balancing the national books, he would advocate sharp tax rises as well — and he’d certainly not have been advocating tax cuts when Gordon Brown was running a 3% deficit at the peak of the economic cycle from the Treasury.

What’s more amazing is that the right get away with this. It seems to have become the economic norm when a budget deficit needs to be brought under control to argue that there’ll have to be cuts. None of the medjya’s talkingheads ever seem to say, “The budget deficit has reached 12% of GDP, and that means we’re all going to have to pay higher taxes”; but that’s no more preposterous than saying “…and that means we’re going to have to suffer swingeing cuts to the NHS and schools.”

Really, the right isn’t interested in balancing the books, because if you presented them with an argument for doing so with, for instance, increases in estate tax, a new band of income tax for those earning more than a million pounds a year, and increases in VAT on luxury goods and houses costing over two million pounds, they’d balk.

What they’re actually interested in is lower tax and lower public spending.

The Parallax Brief really doesn’t like the idea of tax hikes above the already high burden, and believes it is clear that at some stage in the next parliament the public sector is going to need to be seriously deflated, but the right shouldn’t be permitted to conflate two separate issues.

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Political Needs Trump National Interest

January 13th, 2010 by The Parallax Brief

Danny Finkelstein uses his column in today’s Times to savage Prime Minister Gordon Brown:

The Chancellor [Alistair Darling] is insisting — as his predecessor Philip Snowden did in 1931, as Roy Jenkins did in 1968, as Denis Healey did in 1976 — that a plan for public expenditure reductions be agreed to retain the confidence of the markets. Gordon Brown — like Arthur Henderson in 1931, Aneurin Bevan in 1951 and Tony Benn and Mr Crosland in 1976 — is resisting. To dress up this resistance as if it was part of some new fangled clever (or even stupid) campaign strategy is to deny the force, the true importance, of what the Prime Minister is doing. It is to end up having a debate about things that really matter (tax, spending, debt, public services) in a sort of code (strategies, dividing lines) that only insiders can understand.

As Chancellor, Mr Brown spent money as if there would never be a bust — an absurd hypothesis. And now, as Prime Minister, he is blocking the measures necessary to put right this error.

For this dispute over public spending is different in one way from any of the past 100 years. The Prime Minister is refusing to support his Chancellor. MacDonald threw away a lifetime’s service to Labour to support Snowden, a man who cordially loathed him. Attlee sided with his Chancellor, Hugh Gaitskell, from his sickbed (“I am afraid they will have to go,” he mumbled to Gaitskell, who at first heard the remark as “very well, you will have to go”). The normally tricksy Harold Wilson gave solid backing to Jenkins. And Callaghan won round the critics by showing that he and his Chancellor were indivisible — if he had not done so, Mr Healey would not have prevailed.

Mr Brown, unlike any of these predecessors, has put himself at the head of the spending rebels. Far from backing his Chancellor in what needs to be done, he forces him to water down his proposals, making clearly inadequate plans to deal with the crisis.

The common attack on Mr Brown, the one we heard again last week from inside his party, is that he is a poor leader, that no one likes him, that he is a loser. But this verdict, damning though it is, is too kind.

It’s a brilliantly withering attack, but the Parallax Brief wonders whether Mr. Finkelstein hasn’t missed the two key points.

First, that part of the reason for the Prime Minister’s dalliances on public spending cuts is unavoidably the approaching election. Of course it is shabby to put party politics before the national interest, and a damning indictment of Labour that it seems to be entering the election with the no-policies policy usually reserved for the opposition. But to ignore the political realities of an approaching election is integral to the story, and should not be ignored.

Second, while it is true that the absence from the pre-budget report of a clear, tough plan of spending cuts to reign in the deficit was an appalling concession to brazen electioneering, it is also true that even if such a plan were in place down the minutest detail, it would not be implemented until after the election. Not because Labour doesn’t want to go to the polls as the party which savaged public services — which it surely doesn’t — but because cuts now would plunge the economy back into recession and have the peverse effect of increasing the debt-to-GDP burden.

And just as Parkinson’s Law tells us that work expands to fit the time available, so it is an unbreakable law of politics that no government will ever raise taxes or lower spending on key services until the last possible minute.

None of this makes Labour’s appalling fiscal policy in the run up to the crisis acceptable. Nor does it excuse the party’s inertia when it comes to dealing with the nation’s problems. Mr. Finkelstein is right to criticise both, and is probably justified in his evisceration of the Prime Minister. He is also correct to note that the country desperately needs a plan to deal with the deficit if it is to retain the confidence of the markets and maintain the ability to borrow cheaply.

But the real “old story” isn’t Labour squabbling over spending, but a party putting politics before country.

Comrade Portillo: Spending Cuts “Impossible”; Tories Should Raise Taxes

November 23rd, 2009 by The Parallax Brief

Peter Hoskin on the Spectator’s Coffee House blog has an interesting take from Michael Portillo, who the Parallax Brief last remembers in Government as the uber-Thatcherite Dark Prince of the Right.

Ever the contrarian, Michael Portillo makes a case that you don’t hear from many on the right in his interview with Andrew Neil on Straight Talk this weekend. George Osborne has given “a fair amout of detail” about the Tories’ debt-reduction plans, he says, but that could be the wrong approach:

“I wouldn’t seek probably to give very much more detail …. You know, I was with Margaret Thatcher when she came in to Government in 1979, we faced a big public spending problem. It was terrible. It was a hard slog but she didn’t cut public spending. I was Chief Secretary between ’92 and ’94 – big public spending problem – I was trying to cut public spending; I did not succeed in cutting public spending. I don’t think the Tories will succeed in cutting public spending. Now this is what they won’t want to tell you. The reason they’re not telling you the cuts is that I think the cuts are almost impossible to make and what will happen, whoever wins the next election, is not so much that there’ll be public spending cuts, there will be restraint, but that there will be tax rises.”

The Parallax Brief has argued for a long time that the Right are going to be sorely disappointed if they think that an incoming Conservative government will be able to stabilize Britain’s desperate and exigent public finances through spending cuts alone. But he also believes, as does the Spectator, that the scale of the problem suggests that tax hikes alone cannot solve the problem either — public expenditure will have to be cut after the economy starts to right itself.

It’s interesting to see key figures on the right, such as the Spectator and Portillo, now supporting this view. The Parallax Brief wonders if they are paving the way for a more gentle approach to spending from the Conservative Party than many on the Right had hoped, and in the media had assumed?